Raisin In The Sun Critical Analysis - 1243 Words

Imagine, for a moment, that someone has just received an enormous check. However, this positive and seemingly heaven-sent bestowal is laced with dismay and mayhem, for there are numerous outcomes this check could produce--not all of which are accomplishable. Meanwhile, said person’s family is being torn asunder by all of these possible outcomes since each is persistently continuing to pester and demand the person who received the check to use it in the way that each of the family members personally believe. It is always a burdensome choice, whether to consider an individual, the majority, or the minorities, yet this is the dilemma thrust upon one woman in Raisin in the Sun by Lorraine Hansberry. In writing this impossible circumstance†¦show more content†¦Accentuating the lack of passion and common courtesy Walter has for his wife, Ruth, in this particular scene, Hansberry is, in the beginning, ingraining in her readers’ minds how detestably this man treats his wife. However, this absolute disregard for his wife is completely transformed after Mama, the woman who is burdened with the dilemma, decides to satisfy the needs of the majority and purchases a house which will be advantageous for everyone, whether they were pleased with the decision or not. His whole being appears to convert into its polar opposite, as shown through the stage direction, He dances over to Ruth and tries to get her to dance with him. She gives in at last to his raunchiness and in a fit of giggles allows herself to be drawn into his mood (112). The author illustrates how his actions and mentality, thus their relationship, evolved over a short period resulting from the purchase of the house, which was originally intended to appease the majority, since not everyone initially approved of this use of the money. Therefore, this altering of mindset and relationship conveys that, by selecting the choice best-suited for the majority, one may unknowingly be selecting an option that becomes best-suited for everyone and that is eventually unanimously agreed upon. In addition to this, it it always best to comply with the needs of the majority since the majority may also include what isShow MoreRelatedThe Last Critic That Will Be Evaluated844 Words   |  4 Pages The last critic that will be evaluated is Margaret B. Wilkerson. During the time that her critical study was composed, Margaret B. Wilkerson was the Director of the UC Berkeley Center for the Study, Education, and Advancement of Women. Wilkerson critical analysis is titled A Raisin in the Sun: Anniversary of an American Classic. Wilkerson’s critical analysis discusses the â€Å"various social, historical, and artistic factors that have contributed to the play’s contemporary relevance and popularityRead MoreA Raisin in the Sun by Lorraine Hansberry2035 Words   |  8 PagesLorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun is a remarkable play written in 1959 by an African American author about an African American family. This time period was in the early days of the mo dern awakening of civil rights awareness. It was a timely play challenging the then current stereotypical view of a black family by depicting a realistic portrayal of a specific black family with aspirations, hopes, dreams, dignity, and ambition as would be expected from all families regardless of race. TheRead MoreComparison of Oedipus Rex and a Raisin in the Sun Essay1874 Words   |  8 Pagesthe world. Oedipus Rex (King Oedipus) brings out the worst fate any society can think of, as it deals with the societal taboo of incest. So deep is the taboo, that a mental condition in psychology has been named as the â€Å"Oedipus Rex Complex†! Analysis of the work. Oedipus Rex is an Athenian tragedy that was first performed 429 BCE. I have found pride and integrity in this play. Oedipus the king thought highly about himself and in his pride, thought himself above everyone. And said to the peopleRead MoreThe Freedom Writers And Romeo And Juliet905 Words   |  4 Pageswe read Lord Of the Flies and Of Mice and Men among other books were we would always have an easy question followed by an essay. In both of these classes helped me develop structure called tieac which stands for topic, intro to evidence, evidence, analysis, and conclusion. Both my freshmen teachers helped me develop this structure for my essays. Our essays had to be typed in 12 inch font but we didn t have an official format that we had to go by. Sophomore year I had the same English 9 teacher forRead MoreTupac Shakur: A Brief Life Story1779 Words   |  7 Pagesprison after trying to help his sister escape prison. When Shakur was only 12 years he starred in the play â€Å"A R aisin in the Sun† he was a boy named Travis Younger and he also got the chance to preform it at the famous Apollo Theater in Manhattan, New York. In order to understand why Tupac Shakur is and American cultured icon, one need to have a description of his background a critical analysis of his moral behavior and his impact and importance in American music. A couple of years later he and hisRead MoreLangston Hughes: A Poet Supreme Essay1879 Words   |  8 Pagesreading of Hughess poetry and although a large body of critical work already exists, I would like to focus on one piece by Hughes to evidence my case for his stature. That piece is the multipart, book-lenght poem Montage of a Dream Deferred (1951). In Montage, which Hughes described in a letter to Arna Bontemps as what you might call a precedent shattering opus-also could be known as a tour de force, Hughes addresses a number of critical problems facing black poetry: (1) how to affect a modernRead MoreStrategic Sourcing5376 Words   |  22 Pages | |Milk |UK, farmer-run company. | |Raisins |Turkey, a family-owned Turkish processing plant near Izmir, which buys its raisins from around 1,000 small| | |farmers | | | Read MorePorter Five Force Analysis of Indian Food Processing Industry9734 Words   |  39 PagesPorter’s five force analysis of food processing industry | MARKETING STRATEGY | HITESH VAVAIYA | Table of Contents Acknowledgement 3 Introduction of Report 3 Research Objective 4 Introduction of Food Processing Industry 4 The History of Food Processing Industry 4 Supply chain of food processing industry and factor affecting each activity 5 Agriculture 5 Food processing 5 Indian Food Processing Industry 7 History of food processing Industry in India 7 Current Market Overview 9 IndianRead MoreHow to Write a Research Paper11497 Words   |  46 PagesAssociation Encyclopedia of Medicine. New York: Random, 1989. A work from an anthology: Calvino, Italo. Cybernetics and Ghosts. The Uses of Literature: Essays. Trans. Patrick Creagh. San Diego: Harcourt, 1982. 3-27. Hansberry, Lorraine. A Raisin in the Sun. Black Theater: A Twentieth-Century Collect- ion of the Work of its Best Playwrights. Ed. Lindsay Patterson. New York: Dodd, 1971. 221-76. The Bible. King James ed. Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1990. Encyclopedias: Unsigned encyclopedia article: Read MoreKellogg Annual Report50191 Words   |  201 PagesDePenDAble 11 Leadership Financials/Form 10-K Brands and Trademarks 1 Selected Financial Data 12 Financial Statements 27 â„ ¢ strength of the â„ ¢ Table of ConTenTs 4 Financial Highlights 6 Letter to Shareowners Management’s Discussion Analysis 13 Notes to Financial Statements 31 Shareowner Information and â„ ¢ PeRFoRmAnCe â„ ¢ FoR moRe thAn A CentuRy, Kellogg Company has been dedicated to producing great-tasting, high-quality, nutritious foods that consumers around the world

Ky history Essay Example For Students

Ky history Essay DALLAS (AP) At an extraordinary meeting on the sex scandal that has shaken the Roman Catholic church, U.S. bishops took a step toward a zero-tolerance policy for pedophile priests after scrapping a proposal that would have kept some abusive clergy in the ministry. Bishops met in a closed-door session until late Thursday as they crafted a plan that Catholic leaders hope will end a crisis that has seen the dismissal or resignation of 250 accused priests since January. Four bishops have also stepped down. Final legislation was to be approved Friday progress considered unprecedented for a church that often debates issues for years. AP/L.M. Otero 17KLast weeks initial draft proposed that a priest who abused one minor in the past could be reassigned to a parish, though only if he underwent counseling, was examined by a review board, agreed to supervision and publicly disclosed his misconduct. Future acts of molestation would mean expulsion an idea expected to be retained Friday. Cardinal Francis George of Chicago said the two-strikes-and-youre-out language is unacceptable. That sounds as if you can do it once and no one would pay attention to you. Archbishop Harry Flynn of St. Paul and Minneapolis, head of the drafting committee, indicated this left two options: Strict zero tolerance ousting any priest found guilty of abuse or a slightly less strict policy of the sort advocated by Cardinal Theodore McCarrick of Washington, D. C. McCarrick has suggested allowing some older men guilty of one past misdeed to remain technically in the priesthood but living in close confinement, kept out of parishes and barred from celebrating public Masses. Bishops open abuse conferenceWindows Media RealVideo Thursdays meeting came after a highly dramatic opening in which Bishop Wilton Gregory, president of the United States Conference of Bishops, bluntly acknowledged that bishops mistakes helped cause the scandal. While Gregory has repeatedly apologized for the bishops role in the crisis, his remarks Thursday were perhaps his most direct yet. We are the ones who chose not to report the criminal actions of priests to the authorities, because the law did not require this, he said. We are the ones who worried more about the possibility of scandal than in bringing about the kind of openness that helps prevent abuse. Bishops also heard victims tell how pain permeated their lives. Michael Bland of Chicago told of joining the priesthood but leaving after trying to persuade church leaders to take action against his molester. A look at the hierarchy and history of the Roman Catholic Church The priesthood lost me but kept the perpetrator, said Bland, a psychologist who works with victims in the Chicago Archdiocese. Gregory once again told victims he was sorry for the pain they suffered, and further asked forgiveness from the faithful priests whose reputations have been marred by the misconduct of a few. He also asked bishops who were guilty of abuse to turn themselves in to Vatican authorities. One of the leaders hardest hit by scandal, Bostons Cardinal Bernard Law, had plans to apologize to his fellow prelates, said his spokeswoman, Donna Morrisssey. The national crisis began when Boston court documents revealed Law allowed a pedophile priest to continue to serve. Outside the hotel where the meeting was being held, about 50 people protested the churchs handling of abuse cases. AP/Eric Gay 19KAbout 150 people later attended an evening prayer service that started with the song Healing River. An opening prayer included the line fill the hearts of your faithful people gathered here and the hearts of our bishops gathered in earnest deliberation. After the bishops approve a reform policy Friday, they plan to take up a second document, listing norms or key provisions that affect church law in America. These require Vatican approval to become binding on all U.S. dioceses since each bishop answers to Rome, not the bishops conference. .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .postImageUrl , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .centered-text-area { min-height: 80px; position: relative; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:hover , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:visited , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:active { border:0!important; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .clearfix:after { content: ""; display: table; clear: both; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 { display: block; transition: background-color 250ms; webkit-transition: background-color 250ms; width: 100%; opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #95A5A6; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:active , .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:hover { opacity: 1; transition: opacity 250ms; webkit-transition: opacity 250ms; background-color: #2C3E50; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .centered-text-area { width: 100%; position: relative ; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .ctaText { border-bottom: 0 solid #fff; color: #2980B9; font-size: 16px; font-weight: bold; margin: 0; padding: 0; text-decoration: underline; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .postTitle { color: #FFFFFF; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 600; margin: 0; padding: 0; width: 100%; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .ctaButton { background-color: #7F8C8D!important; color: #2980B9; border: none; border-radius: 3px; box-shadow: none; font-size: 14px; font-weight: bold; line-height: 26px; moz-border-radius: 3px; text-align: center; text-decoration: none; text-shadow: none; width: 80px; min-height: 80px; background: url(https://artscolumbia.org/wp-content/plugins/intelly-related-posts/assets/images/simple-arrow.png)no-repeat; position: absolute; right: 0; top: 0; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:hover .ctaButton { background-color: #34495E!important; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .centered-text { display: table; height: 80px; padding-left : 18px; top: 0; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501 .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501-content { display: table-cell; margin: 0; padding: 0; padding-right: 108px; position: relative; vertical-align: middle; width: 100%; } .ub521ccc920983ea4f7532416e8f73501:after { content: ""; display: block; clear: both; } READ: Economic View Of Slavery Essay Otherwise, the policy would remain a mere gentlemens agreement. Flynn said there was no time this week to prepare a third document that would spell out details on ousting priests. That will wait until the bishops November meeting, he said. Victims and independent caucuses meeting here have pressed for a further, radical demand that U. S. church leaders lobby Rome to remove bishops who kept abusive clergy on duty while ignoring warnings. There seemed little prospect that Fridays final document would endorse that idea. All of the nearly 400 retired and active bishops in the United States are invited to this weeks conference, but only the active prelates who number around 285 can vote on the policy. On the Net: U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops: http://www.usccb.org

Iago In Shakespeares Othello Essays (891 words) - Othello, Fiction

Iago in Shakespeare's Othello Iago in Shakespeare's Othello Perhaps the most interesting and exotic character in the tragic play "Othello," by William Shakespeare, is "Honest" Iago. Through some carefully thought-out words and actions, Iago is able to manipulate others to do things in a way that benefits him and moves him closer toward his goals. He is the main driving force in this play, pushing Othello and everyone else towards their tragic end. Iago is not your ordinary villain. The role he plays is rather unique and complex, far from what one might expect. Iago is smart. He is an expert judge of people and their characters and uses this to his advantage. For example, he knows Roderigo is in love with Desdemona and figures that he would do anything to have her as his own. Iago says about Roderigo, "Thus do I ever make my fool my purse." [Act I, Scene III, Line 355] By playing on his hopes, Iago is able to swindle money and jewels from Roderigo, making himself a substantial profit, while using Roderigo to forward his other goals. He also thinks quick on his feet and is able to improvise whenever something unexpected occurs. When Cassio takes hold of Desdemona's hand before the arrival of the Moor Othello, Iago says, "With as little a web as this will I ensnare as great a fly as Cassio." [Act II, Scene I, Line 163] His cunning and craftiness make him a truly dastardly villain indeed. Being as smart as he is, Iago is quick to recognize the advantages of trust and uses it as a tool to forward his purposes. Throughout the story he is commonly known as, and commonly called, "Honest Iago." He even says of himself, "I am an honest man...." [Act II, Scene III, Line 245] Trust is a very powerful emotion that is easily abused. Othello, "holds [him] well;/The better shall [Iago's] purpose work on him." [pg. 1244, Line 362] Iago is a master of abuse in this case turning people's trust in him into tools to forward his own goals. His "med'cine works! Thus credulous fools are caught...." [pg. 1284, Line 44] Iago slowly poisons people's thoughts, creating ideas in their heads without implicating himself. "And what's he then that says I play the villain, when this advice is free I give, and honest," [Act II, Scene III, Line 299] says Iago, the master of deception. And thus, people rarely stop to consider the possibility that old Iago could be deceiving them or manipulating them, after all, he is "Honest Iago." Iago makes a fool out of Roderigo. In fact, the play starts out with Iago having already taken advantage of him. Roderigo remarks, "That thou, Iago, who hast had my purse as if the strings were thine." [Act I, Scene I, Line 2] Throughout the play, Iago leads Roderigo by the collar professing that he "hate(s) the Moor" [Act I, Scene III, Line 344] and telling Roderigo to "make money" [Act I, Scene III, Line 339] so that he can give gifts to Desdemona to win her over. During the whole play however, Iago is just taking those gifts that Roderigo intends for Desdemona and keeps them for himself. Roderigo eventually starts to question Iago's honesty, saying "I think it is scurvy, and begin to find myself fopped in it." [Act IV, Scene II, Line 189] When faced with this accusation, Iago simply offers that killing Cassio will aid his cause and Roderigo blindly falls for it, hook, line, and sinker. "I have no great devotion to the deed, and yet he has given me satisfying reason," [Act V, Scene I, Line 8] says the fool Roderigo. And with this deed, Roderigo is lead to his death by the hands of none other than, "Honest Iago." Cassio, like Roderigo, follows Iago blindly, thinking the whole time that Iago is trying to help him. And during this whole time, Iago is planning the demise of Cassio, his supposed friend. On the night of Cassio's watch, Iago convinces him to take another drink, knowing very well that it will make him very drunk. Cassio just follows along, though he says, "I'll do't, but it dislikes me." [Act II, Scene III, Line 37] Iago is able to make him defy his own reasoning to take another drink! Crafty, is this Iago. When Roderigo follows through with the plan Iago has set on him, Cassio is made to look like an irresponsible fool, resulting in his termination as lieutenant. After this incident, Iago sets another of his plans in motion

Free Essays on Individual Relationship In Regards To Organization

An individual’s relationship both within and with their organization must examine three different possible scenarios. The first is the Psychological Contract, which is a set of expectations any given individual feels that they may have to offer an organization. Next, the Person-Fit Job is the manner in which the contributions that are made by the individual will be able to match or meet the needs of the organization. Finally, the Nature of Individual Differences will demonstrate the different attributes that may vary from one individual within an organization to another. The Psychological Contract is a very important factor when determining if an individual will meet the needs of a company. The set of expectations that are held by the individual must also meet the needs of what the company needs contributed to their organization and what may be exchanged in return. Every company seeks to know exactly what their employees may be able to contribute, whether it is their time, loyalty to an organization, skills, abilities, and so forth. If an organization hires an employee for any particular contribution, then that skill is expected to be seen through his or her work. In return, the individual will be rewarded by their pay or possibly advancement in their career. Eventually, the organization and the individual will decide if their arrangement is worth continuing. Next, the Person-Job Fit is needed to examine the contributions that an individual will make to their organization and how it will then be compensated. If an employee is able to meet their needs, as well as those of the organization, then it is said to be a perfect-job fit. Though this is rare, it is possible for it to occur. However, even if an employee is not perfect for a given job, it is feasible to consider what additional resources and training can potentially lead the employee to have a higher output for their organization. While each person is different ... Free Essays on Individual Relationship In Regards To Organization Free Essays on Individual Relationship In Regards To Organization An individual’s relationship both within and with their organization must examine three different possible scenarios. The first is the Psychological Contract, which is a set of expectations any given individual feels that they may have to offer an organization. Next, the Person-Fit Job is the manner in which the contributions that are made by the individual will be able to match or meet the needs of the organization. Finally, the Nature of Individual Differences will demonstrate the different attributes that may vary from one individual within an organization to another. The Psychological Contract is a very important factor when determining if an individual will meet the needs of a company. The set of expectations that are held by the individual must also meet the needs of what the company needs contributed to their organization and what may be exchanged in return. Every company seeks to know exactly what their employees may be able to contribute, whether it is their time, loyalty to an organization, skills, abilities, and so forth. If an organization hires an employee for any particular contribution, then that skill is expected to be seen through his or her work. In return, the individual will be rewarded by their pay or possibly advancement in their career. Eventually, the organization and the individual will decide if their arrangement is worth continuing. Next, the Person-Job Fit is needed to examine the contributions that an individual will make to their organization and how it will then be compensated. If an employee is able to meet their needs, as well as those of the organization, then it is said to be a perfect-job fit. Though this is rare, it is possible for it to occur. However, even if an employee is not perfect for a given job, it is feasible to consider what additional resources and training can potentially lead the employee to have a higher output for their organization. While each person is different ...

A letter to the editor in the Wall Street Journal Essay - 3

A letter to the editor in the Wall Street Journal - Essay Example In pure economic terms, the interest rates should be determined by the market forces prevailing at a particular moment. The government’s grip and control of the economy negatively impacts on its normal functioning. The main advantage of bond futures is that they offer long term investors an instrument to hedge against price swings. This will help protect them against unprecedented changes in the financial markets which can result in huge loses. In any economy, I strongly believe that investors play a significant role since they help it to grow as well as to stabilize it. Future bonds also help businesses to access funding in order to run their own enterprises. This also contributes to the growth of the economy through remittances of taxes which will be channelled towards the nation’s fiscus. Overall, I think the move by the Chinese government to bring back bond futures is a positive step towards liberalising the economy which can improve its overall performance. This move will also stabilize the interest rates. Therefore, I would like to commend the Chinese government for this noble decision since it is helpful to the overall performance of the economy as a

Criminology Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Criminology - Research Paper Example However, he was bullied by wealthy children in his church. Cho is described as someone who was â€Å"sullen and aloof† (Biography.com, 2012). He was a loner. He referred to himself as â€Å"Question Mark† and he was known to write gruesome stories, poems and plays (Biography.com, 2012). Professors of Cho noticed that Cho’s behavior was not normal. He was described as a bully by one of his professors. He photographed the legs and knees of his female classmates. Moreover, in 2005 he was accused twice for stalking female students. Several times Cho had been advised to get counseling because of his odd behaviors. He had been brought in a psychiatric hospital but later released to be an outpatient. He attended a counseling session at Cook Counseling Center once. Some Korean youths who knew Cho said that he is a fan of violent video games, specifically, â€Å"Counterstrike† which was a game of terrorism where players try to shoot each other down with different t ypes of guns (Watson, 2007). Lucinda Roy, chair of the English Department at Virginia Tech described Cho as appearing to be very depressed (Goldstein, 2009). Roy went on further to say that she learned that Cho visited the counseling center of the school three times but there was no meaningful diagnosis. 2. Agnew’s Strain Theory Robert Agnew’s strain theory is a revision of the earlier strain theories developed. Whereas the general strain theories are focused on the negative aspects of the social relationship of individuals and how it affects their tendency to commit crime, Agnew’s strain theory presented major types of â€Å"deviance-producing strain† (O'Connor, 2007). The first type of strain is the failure to achieve positively valued goals. The positively valued goals according to Agnew are money, status and respect and autonomy (criminology.fsu.edu, n.d.). The second type of strain is the removal of positively-valued stimuli. According to Agnew this happens when a dramatic change of loss happens such as a death in the family which could be very stressful to an individual (O'Connor, 2007). The confrontation with negative stimuli is the third type of strain. These negative stimuli may include peer pressure and child abuse (O'Connor, 2007). According to Agnew, "All manner of positive stimuli" previously experienced or observed constitute expected goals, and their frustration leads to "anger, resentment, rage, dissatisfaction, disappointment, and unhappiness--that is, all the emotions customarily associated with strain in criminology" (O'Connor, 2007). One of the strengths of Agnew’s strain theory is that it argued that no one specific type of strain contributes to the criminal act of a person rather; it is a combination of all the strains that the person has experienced (Agnew, 2001). Another strength of Agnew’s theory is that it proposed a solution in how people can respond to the strains positively. One major weakn ess of Agnew’s strain theory is that it did not state which among the strains is more likely to cause criminal behavior among individuals (Agnew, 2001). Moreover, the theory did not offer an explanation why other people exposed to the strains that Agnew mentioned did not become criminals. The theory gave too much emphasis on one’s social status as a having a huge impact on an individual’s deviant behavior. A crime offender whose actions may be explained by the Agnew strain theory may be assisted by helping them to positively cope

The War Measures Act History Essay

The War Measures Act History Essay The October Crisis of 1970 and the invocation of the War Measures Act was one of the most significant events in the history of Canada. On the fifth of October, James Cross, the British Trade Commissioner, was kidnapped from his Montreal home by a group of young French Canadian terrorists, the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec or FLQ. The FLQ was a radical political group within the province of Quebec, intent on separating Quebec from Canada. Five days later, the Minister of Labour and the second in command of Quebecs provincial government, Pierre Laporte, was kidnapped from his front lawn by a different FLQ cell. The intent of the kidnappings was to exchange Cross and Laporte for the twenty-three FLQ political prisoners responsible for the bombings, hold-ups and deaths of six innocent people, as well other drastic forms of protest. There was tremendous support for the FLQ in Quebec, mainly by students and working class demonstrators. Many politicians, some members of the press, labour union leaders and other prominent members of society supported the FLQ, either openly or indirectly by agreeing with the views and demands of this organization. The Quebec government, lead by Premier Robert Bourassa, along with Pierre Elliot Trudeaus Federal Government, refused negotiations with this terrorist organization. Quebec requested federal aid. On the 15th of October 1970 the Federal Army was sent into the province. The following day, both governments brought forth the implementation of the War Measures Act; an act designed for war. On the succeeding day, the body of Pierre Laporte was found strangled, bringing the crisis to its apex. The unprecedented use of this act in a time of peace sparked enormous criticism and controversy. Both the Federal and Provincial governments argued for the justification of the act, while the opposition parties, scholars, historians, reporters and other political figures strongly criticized and argued against it. Whether the use of this act was just, or not, is a highly debatable subject. To fully assess its use, the events leading up to its employment and the effects it had on the Canadian public, as well as the opinions from both sides of the issue need to be taken into consideration. In the fall of 1970, there were numerous converging contributors, both national and international, to the tensions and turmoil experienced in the province of Quebec. The turmoil of the health care in Quebec elevated tensions. In 1966 the Medical Care Act was passed, which allowed each province to develop and implement its own form of Federally funded health care. The government in Quebec worked on the development of the Medical Insurance Act, which would implement this healthcare. However, revisions of this act were time consuming. Each month that the act went unenforced, the province of Quebec lost out on vast amounts of federal funds. Doctors and specialists concerned with the new system went on strike at the same time as the FLQ Crisis. The two events were not directly related but this event put more pressure on the Quebec government and heightened apprehensions within the province. 2 Another contributor to the setting of the crisis was the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois. This partys principle political stance was the separation of Quebec from Canada. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois and the FLQ are often mistakenly regarded as connected organizations because of their paralleled ideologies. In actuality, the two groups were entirely distinct from one another. The FLQ perceived violence as the only conduit of achieving their demands, whereas the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois wanted to achieve its goal through peaceful means. They objected to federal intervention in matters pertaining to Quebec. The founder and leader Renà © Là ©vesque created this political party but was not an elected member of the National Assembly. Dr. Camille Laurin led the party, along with its seven members, in the National Assembly. French Canadians felt inadequately represented on a national platform. This new, inexperienced and highly unorganized Parti Quà ©bà ©cois led to far more chaos than benefit. Although non-violent, they were wary to object to the FLQ because they did not want to lose popularity among the student population of active protestors.3 On the 12th of October, the party added to the unrest by making the uniformed, public declaration in favor for the exchange of the political prisoners. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois objected to Ontario Premier John Robarts declaration of opposition to FLQs separation through terrorism. This party turned the crisis into Quebec versus Ottawa, which is what exactly what the FLQ wanted.4 The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois had a staggering influence on the attitude of the Quebec public. The press and media were another major contributing factor to public attitudes at the time of crisis. Instead of promoting calm and order, the press raised tensions and aggression through the spreading of rumors, and through slanted reporting in favor of the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois. The press failed to consider at the time, that the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois declaration on the crisis may have inadvertently aided the FLQ, or that the Parti Quà ©bà ©cois might have acted opportunistically.5 At the point of the crisis in October in 1970, the FLQ had existed for 7 years. There had been 200 bombings in Quebec and numerous other acts of violence. The government knew they were capable of violence. The press hysterically covered the events, and newspapers screamed for drastic action. The provincial government of Quebec was under enormous pressure to act.6 Public attitude reflected that many citizens of Quebec felt that the federal government of Canada was in favor of its English speaking population. This attitude added frustration among the public, and the setting of turmoil and chaos was set for the crisis that occurred in October 1970. The separatist group Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec was politically active from 1963 to 1973. Pierre Vallià ¨res and Charles Gagnon were key leads of the FLQ in October 1970. This was not one cohesive group, but rather a set of minor groups or cells, sharing a common view of the issues in Quebec. Many cells had their own agenda and goals separate from the whole of the body. The organization, like its philosophy, depended on the views of the members at any given time. The FLQs cells were constantly breaking up and reforming because of police raids, arrests, and convictions in court, and also because of differences among members.7 Prior to the 1970s, the FLQ manifesto primarily called for separation. In 1970, at the beginning of the crisis, the demand for a workers state was added to their manifesto. Part of the manifesto was written in colloquial French or in French English slang, intentionally to distance the FLQ from the intellectuals or bourgeoisie and align themselves with t he working class.8 College and university students actively participated and demonstrated for the cause. Many sympathetically aligned with the FLQ and did not object to the acts being committed. Many helped to shelter wanted FLQ members, and many stayed silent, refraining from objection to the FLQ and its cause. There was no official list of members. This group of like-minded individuals held varying levels of dedication. To become a member one must commit a crime for the cause. They thought their actions were giving Quebec its freedom. 1968 a long term strategy document entitled Revolutionary Strategy and the Role of the Avant-Garde outlined plans of the robberies and violence, bombings and kidnappings thought to be necessary to bring about the revolution that they sought after.9 It also outlined plans for kidnappings and assassinations. This accumulated group of revolutionary terrorists felt that violence was the only means to achieve their goals. On the 5th of October 1970, two members of the FLQ Liberation cell kidnapped British trade commissioner James Cross, from his home, leaving a ransom note of demands. The demands included the publishing of the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec manifesto, the release of the twenty three convicted and imprisoned members of the FLQ, $500,000 in gold, the rehiring of Les Gars de Lapalme, as well as other demands. The members of the FLQ cell that kidnapped Cross were prepared and determined to achieve their demands. Members of the cell stated, when we decided to kidnap the diplomat Cross, we weighed all the possibilities, including the sacrifice of our own lives for a cause we believed to be just. If the repressive police forces should discover us and attempt to intervene before the release of the British diplomat Cross, be sure that we will sell our lives dearly and that Mr. Cross would immediately be liquidated. We have enough dynamite in our possession to feel perfectly secure.10 The context of the manifesto and crisis need to be taken into consideration. Turmoil, unrest and revolution were actively occurring in other parts of the world. The students of France had only a few years earlier, revolted in their own country. France had encouraged Quebecs wish for separation. The FLQ manifesto went through three transitions since 1963. This first manifesto called for social justice, focusing on separatism. The second version was shorter, omitting talk of violence. The third was published the day after Cross was kidnapped. This manifesto called workers to take back what was theirs: we are the workers of Quà ©bec and we will struggle on to the bitter end. Together with all the people, we want to replace this slave society with a free society, functioning by itself and for itself; a society open to the world.11 It was written with a shock esthetic to encourage public sympathy. The publication of the manifesto was one of the demands of the Liberation cell. Radio Canada agreed to a televised reading. The government did not condone, nor did it object to the reading. To object would heighten interest, curiosity and criticism towards the government. To exchange convicted terrorists for hostages is an extremely difficult choice for any government. There is no correct decision. Each situation suffers both pros and cons: to save the lives of two people by releasing convicted criminals or risk the lives of the two hostages. The FLQ directly addressed their demands to the Bourassa government who had to ultimately make the decision. The first option meant permitting terrorist activity to replace the courts and legislature of a democratic society, where social and political reform can come about by drastic means.12 The release of the jailed FLQ would surely invite further kidnappings. The Quebec minister of Justice, Jà ©rà ´me Choquette stated that No society can consent to have the decisions of its judicial and governmental institutional challenged or set aside by the blackmail of a minority, for that signifies the end of all social order.13 While Choquette announced the governments refusal to release the prisoners, a separate cell, called the Chà ©nier cell, immediately acted by kidnapping Pierre Laporte. The timing of this kidnapping made the FLQ appear to be a highly organized, incredibly swift moving group.14 They were already on their way to kidnap Laporte before the English translation of Choquettes statement was aired.15 To the government, this swiftness frightened them and caused them to question the strength of the Front de Libà ©ration du Quà ©bec. After the kidnapping of Laporte, Bourassas government met to discuss the decision. After a three-day period and much debate, the unanimous decision of non-negotiation was made. The justification behind the decision was that the FLQ demanded the release of political prisoners, but that was not what they were; they were convicted criminals. To accept the demands to release them would diminish the value of the Canadian justice system. A democratic society cannot accept blackmail as a legitimate argument in government proceedings, otherwise anarchy will replace rule of law. If the government had given in to the demands of the FLQ, this would only demonstrate the weapon that the terrorists possess, encouraging others to achieve their goals through the same means. This crisis occurred in a democratic country and the FLQ directly challenged Canadian democracy. A democratically elected government is a trustee charged with the task of preserving the rights and freedoms of the society that cho se to elect it and, accordingly, it has no mandate to cede its authority and responsibilities to terrorists.16 The government did, however, continue with attempts to negotiate with the FLQ in hopes that their stalling would allow time for authorities to find Cross and Laporte. The FLQ was stunned by the governments decision. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois publically expressed opposition to the ruling and viewed the convicted criminals as political prisoners. On October fourteenth, Là ©vesque and sixteen other government officials and intellectuals signed a petition calling for the exchange. They did so to show opposition to the government; they sympathized with the FLQ. The Parti Quà ©bà ©cois failed to realize that the decision to release them would disparage the Canadian justice system. The next aspect of the October Crisis that must be discussed is the distinction between the calling in of the Canadian Army, and the implementation of the War Measures Act. Many fail to realize that the active army presence in Quebec did not depend on the implementation of the War Measures Act. On the 15th of October 1970, under the National Defense Act, the Quebec government requested federal assistance by calling the army into the province to aid their civil powers. Opposition parties agreed with this decision. Dr. Camille Laurin initially agreed with the decision, and then reversed his opinion hours later. When asked about the insertion of the army in Quebec, Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau stated that, we have used certain elements of the army as peace officers so that the police forces would be free to accomplish their real duties and would not be obliged to spend their time protecting your friends from another kidnapping. I believe that it is more important to rid ourselve s of those who seek to impose their will on the government through a parallel power which resorts to kidnapping and extortion. 17 The army was successful, allowing the police to focus on their normal duties. Most of the population welcomed the army presence and the reassurance it brought, although, there were many who opposed. It must be stressed that the army could be called in without the use of the War Measures Act. The two are separate from one another. The War Measures Act was developed for war. It had been invoked during World War I and II, whereby the Federal government can use all powers it deems necessary to achieve its goal. Under this act, civil liberties and judicial rights are suspended. Censorship becomes active and suspicion and distrust are at extremes. The government is easily able to arrest and detain individuals perceived as a threat, without authorization or the right to a court hearing. The War Measures Act is based on unbridled authority, fear and the threat of violence.18 On the 16th of October, at four a.m. the Act was invoked declaring the FLQ an illegal organization and that membership would be considered a crime. Other issues happening around the world influenced the Canadian government and Cabinet Minsters. They believed individuals and groups of the FLQ were being financed and inspired by foreign political powers that do not share our notion of mans fundamental liberties.19 The fear of the unknown caused the two governments to act in such a drastic way. Trudeau may have proclaimed the War Measures Act, not because of the actual events, but rather, that he knew if the Federal government did not act decisively, their vision of Federalism would not persevere.20 The reason given for the proclamation was an apprehended insurrection, the evidence for which Canadians were to take on faith, and that Quebec had asked for the imposition of the act.21 Violence had progressively built since the formation of the FLQ and after the two kidnappings; government officials feared what would happen next. The assassination of John F. Kennedy had occurred only a few years prior. They were aware that the FLQ had a plan devised that included assassination, and they feared that it would be the next step. Although the FLQs strength and resources were unknown to the police or to the governments, there was considerable evidence of a build-up, that, it was thought, could lead to even greater violence that had already occurred.22 William Tetley, a minister of Bourassas cabinet believed there was sufficient reason for the government to invoke the act. Many in the cabinet quietly went along with the act, either unsure or too intimidated to speak out. Only Tommy Douglas of the New Democratic Party stood in the House each day, debating the government on its justifications for suspending civil liberties.23 Overnight twelve thousand five hundred armed troops flooded into Montreal in search of the FLQ kidnappers. Two hundred and forty two people were arrested, some in the middle of the night, and some violently. Among the arrested in Quebec, many were labour leaders, community activists and organizers and separatists of all types. These people were stripped of their rights, they could not inform their families, friends, or employers of their detainment or whereabouts. 24 Many viewed this as humiliating, and some citizens were verbally and physically abused by police.25 Homes were searched without warrants, virtually all civil rights were removed as an extreme effort to swiftly put an end to the crisis. The day after the war measures act was implemented; the strangled body of Pierre Laporte was discovered. The reason given for the proclamation was an apprehended insurrection, the evidence for which Canadians were to take on faith.26 Paul and Jacques Rose, Bernard Lortie and Francis Simmard were the four accused of the murder of Pierre Laporte. After serving his sentence, Simmard wrote a memoire discussing his views and the views of his cell on the crisis. He proceeded to explain the reasoning for his actions and why they chose to murder Laporte. The FLQ had never planned to kidnap Cross; they did not intend to make the issue an Anglo -French issue but rather wanted to gain political separation.27 His reasoning for partaking in the FLQ was that the issues represented by the group fully represented his situation. We werent looking for an outlet for our need to revolt, it wasnt some kind of personal assertion thing. We were trying to get a hold of our lives, our situation as worker, our poverty. For us, the words in the manifesto werent abstract theory. We were the manifesto.28 The poverty of the working class was the daily lives of its members. Simmard and the Roses had left the country to make some money. Upon their return, they learned that an FLQ cell had acted on its own to kidnap Cross.29 They felt that the provincial and federal governments were not taking the situation seriously.30 His cell decided to kidnap a person directly responsible for the situation and Laporte was an easy target. They considered the abduction of an American diplomat, but decided to go with Laporte because he was close to their location and they knew he was at his home. They actually called his house before going to kidnap him, to see if he was home.31 Simmards cell waited for the governments answer regarding the demands set after the kidnapping of Cross. When Choquette rejected their demands they immediately acted.32 To them the ruling class at the conference was smug and arrogant and annoyed that the FLQ was playing their game33 He felt they needed to take a more drastic stance against the government to show the seriousness that the FLQ represented. Our choices werent spontaneous, they werent individualistic. Our choices were part of the struggle for Quebec independence and social, economic and political power for the workers.34 The decision to partake in the FLQ was a means to take control of their situation and lives. In regards to the murder of Laporte, Simmard states that, we never intended to kill Pierre Laporte. If we had, we wouldnt have kidnapped him, we would have killed him. The immediate goal of the kidnapping was the release of Quebec political prisoners, the rehiring of the Lapalme workers who had been laid off and the will to get rid of a political authority that was not and would never be ours. We were sincere.35 After the government made the decision to combat the FLQ with the War Measures Act, Simmard and his cell felt they had no choice but to kill Laporte. We choseto kill him, it was no accident. 36 After the death of Laporte, government support grew tremendously. Even Quebec overwhelmingly supported the War Measures Act after Laportes death.37The anger from the murder caused many to lose support for the FLQ. Also, most were scared after to be aligned with the FLQ under the use of the Act. Members of the FLQ were not the only ones to criticize the governments decision to implement the War Measures Act. Many questioned whether or not Trudeau had ulterior motives for its implementation. The act was used Canada wide and was exploited in parts of the country. It was intended that anyone who supported the FLQ, Canada wide would be detained. However, there were reported cases in Vancouver, Ottawa, and Regina, of police using the Act as an excuse to rid the city of any undesirables (i.e. hippies, student activists, etc.). This exploitation of the act resulted in enormous criticism towards the government. 38 Prior to the decision of the implementation of the act, it was rumored that RCMP members informed cabinet ministers that the FLQ had weapons that were threatening to the safety of the public. The government later blamed RCMP for bad information when in reality it was a lack of proper political evaluation. It was a lack of coordination between intelligence groups and the governments.39 There were major errors in the implementation of the War Measures Act. The choice of those to be arrested under the Act should have been more carefully planned and decided. They should have been allowed the right to an attorney and the public should have been more informed. However, it was difficultà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦for the government to inform the public without letting the FLQ know their strategy.40 There was also much criticism towards Trudeau directly for implementing the Measure as a means to discourage or set back the separatist movement. The October Crisis resulted from the combined effect of the two kidnappings and the federal governments anger at seeing the independence movement constantly gain momentum.41 Conversely most English Canadians supported the WMA.42 In the summer of 1970, there were bombings in Montreal, FLQ calls for revolutionary action, rumors of weapon and dynamite theft, and strikes. The Bourassa government was showed that they were inadequate to lead the province in dealing with its issues. When Cross was kidnapped, Trudeau was shocked. He reacted strongly and vowed that the government would not give in to terrorists. Trudeau said if we had agreed, as the FLQ demandedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦they would have no reason to hesitate to murder, rob and bomb againà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦all their pals would have to do is kidnap someone else to have them released from prison- and on and on indefinitely.43 Then Laporte was kidnapped and the stakes grew. The government in Ottawa began to fear the FLQ was more organized than initially thought. Feared that if not stopped it could lead to untold violence. 44 Bourassa and Justice Minister Jerome Choquette appeared confused as at times they seemed wil ling to compromise with the FLQ, then turned around and towed the harder federal line. The audacity and timing of the second kidnapping caught everyone by surprise.45 Everyone was scared and unsure of what was next to come. They believed assassinations to be next and wanted to swiftly bring an end to the crisis. Trudeau stated in regards to the mobilizations of the army into Quebec, Well there are a lot of bleeding hearts around who dont like to see people with helmets and gunsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦All I can say is, go on and bleed, but it is more important to keep law and order in society.46 When asked how far will you go? Trudeau famously replied, Just watch me47 The police needed help. Instead of creating special legislation that would require a time consuming parliamentary debate and would alert terrorists of their plans, the Trudeau government decided to implement the War Measures Act despite knowing that enormous criticism that would accompany it. They thought the FLQ was a large organized group, the WMA would be justified and was the right option. If not it would only be a temporary measure. The War Measures Act was a rough but effective way to cool the situation by taking possible agitators and FLQ sympathizers out of circulation and by assuring the populace that the governments had full control.48 The passing of the Medical Insurance Act ended the specialist doctors strike on the 16th of October. The FLQ had planned demonstrations in support of the strike for that day, but with passing of both the War Measures Act and the Medical Insurance Act, the demonstrations never occurred. The night before the War Measures Act was proclaimed, Quebec was in turmoil. The day after it was calm.49 Twenty-four years after the October Crisis, Mitchell Sharp, who was the Deputy Prime Minister of Canada in 1970, voiced a strong opinion supporting Trudeau. I think that Trudeaus firm leadership, putting the preservation of Law and order above any other consideration was probably the most important single contribution he made to the preservation of peace and democracy in Canada during his time as Prime Ministerà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦The first duty of the government is to govern which means never giving in to chaos or terror.50 By the end of the War Measures Act, four hundred and sixty-five people had been arrested; four hundred and three were released. Of the sixty-two not released, only thirty-two were actually charged with only eighteen convicted of minor offences. James Cross released on the 3rd of December, by agreement with authorities, his captors were flown to Cuba. Laportes murderers were captured on 28th of December. The FLQ gained support as a result of various factors. Its members seemed fully entrenched in their cause, but when Cross kidnappers were discovered, they did not demand for the goals of the FLQ but rather asked for exile. They were not as dedicated to the cause as they thought.51 Laportes kidnappers chose to be tried under the Canadian justice system, convicted, and carried out jail sentences. In Francis Simmards memoire he is more intent on justifying his actions rather than revealing any real remorse. In hindsight it is easy to criticize the government s for their use of the War Measures Act. They knew it was an excessive measure at the time, however, time was of the essence and they needed a means of reining control back into the hands of the government in a swift and impactful way. They did not want to allow the FLQ time to gain knowledge of governmental plans of opposition. Tensions and distrust were at an extreme, and all sought a quick end to the crisis. The War Measures Act did what it set out to do, the kidnappings ended, the crisis ended and the temporary act was then removed. Two terrorist cells initiated a political hostage crisis. The RCMP saw the crisis as requiring good, patient, careful police work to solve. The Quebec Ministers in Ottawa deliberately chose to escalate the political magnitude of the crisis to justify emergency powers as a means of intimidating nationalists and separatists.52 Robert Stanfield stated, The arbitrary abrogation of individual rights weake ns rather than strengthens social order.53 Or did Canadians come together in unity by agreeing to forego individual rights and freedoms to retain the democracy of their country? Endnotes Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 161 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 7 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 9 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 9 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 12 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 68 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 21 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 20 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 21 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 22 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 34 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 39 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 40 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 68 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 29 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 4 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 63 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 15 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 51 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 62 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 73 Tetley, William. The October Crisis, 1970: An Insiders View. Montrà ©al: McGill-Queens University Press, 2010. p.p. 70 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 74 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 94 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 94 Bouthillier, Guy, and Edouard Cloutier. Trudeaus Darkest Hour: War Measures in Time of Peace, October 1970. Montrà ©al: Baraka, 2010. p.p. 73 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 13 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisis from the inside, Translated by David Homel. Montrà ©al, Quà ©bec, Canada: Guernica, 1987. p.p 20 Simard, Francis, and David Homel. Talking It Out: The October Crisi